cross the United States, we are beginning to hear the rumblings of a quiet crisis. [See Quiet Crisis sidebar.] Our nation's children under the age of three and their families are in trouble, and their plight worsens every day.
To be sure, the children themselves are not quiet; they are crying out for help. And their parents' anxieties about inadequate child care and the high cost of their child's health care can be heard in kitchens, playgrounds, pediatricians' waiting rooms, and workplace cafeterias across the nation. But these sounds rarely become sound-bites. Babies seldom make the news: they do not commit crimes, do drugs, or drop out of school. We don't hear interviews with parents as they anguish over finding decent, affordable child care; we don't notice the unmet prenatal needs of expectant mothers. Policymakers are rarely forced to contend with these realities. And so, the problems of our youngest children and their parents remain a quiet crisis.
Consider the state of America's youngest children and their families. In 1993 the National Educational Goals Panel reported that nearly half of our infants and toddlers start life at a disadvantage and do not have the supports necessary to grow and thrive. A significant number of children under three confront one or more major risk factors:
These numbers add up to a crisis that threatens not only the healthy development of children themselves but also our nation's well-being. The National Educational Goals Panel identified four key dimensions of school readiness, our nation's first education goal: physical well-being and motor development, social and emotional development, language usage, and the mastering of learning styles that allow children to approach new tasks and challenges effectively. Currently too many children are entering school not ready to learn, jeopardizing later academic achievement. If left unattended, this crisis will ultimately compromise our nation's economic strength and competitiveness.
The Carnegie Task Force on Meeting the Needs of Young Children urges a national response to this quiet crisis. These early years are perhaps the most neglected. There are no clearly defined institutions such as preschools or schools to serve young children and their families. Health, educational, and social service agencies work independently and sometimes at cross-purposes.
The problems are many, and massive; not one lends itself to a single solution. But the task force has proceeded from the assumption that, given sufficient focus and sufficient political will, America can begin to find its way toward solutions. Our nation can formulate and implement social policy that responds, over time, to the most urgent needs of our youngest children and their families. They need our compassion and our help, and we, as a nation, have an incalculable stake in their well-being.
The first three years of life appear to be a crucial "starting point"--a period particularly sensitive to the protective mechanisms of parental and family support. [See Being Three sidebar.] Parents and experts have long known that how individuals function from the preschool years all the way through adolescence and even adulthood hinges, to a significant extent, on the experiences children have in their first three years. Babies raised by caring, attentive adults in safe, predictable environments are better learners than those raised with less attention in less secure settings. Recent scientific findings corroborate these observations. With the help of powerful new research tools, including sophisticated brain scans, scientists have studied the developing brain in greater detail than ever before.
This research points to five key findings that should inform our nation's efforts to provide our youngest children with a healthy start:
The risks are clearer than ever before: an adverse environment can compromise a young child's brain function and overall development, placing him or her at greater risk of developing a variety of cognitive, behavioral, and physical difficulties. In some cases these effects may be irreversible. But the opportunities are equally dramatic: a good start in life can do more to promote learning and prevent damage than we ever imagined.
Of course, brain development is only one of the variables that affect how children grow and that influence later school success. A range of "protective factors"--such as good nutrition and sensitive parenting--helps the child to achieve good outcomes and avoid bad ones. Researchers tell us that these protective factors fall into three broad categories:
The interaction of these three factors largely influences the direction of children's development. Scientists have found that a major influence in the difference between good and poor outcomes is the quality of parent and family interactions. Infants thrive on one-to-one interactions with parents. Sensitive, nurturant parenting is thought to provide infants with a sense of basic trust that allows them to feel confident in exploring the world and forming positive relationships with other children and adults. Infants' early experiences also provide the building blocks for intellectual competence and language comprehension. Touching, holding, and rocking a baby, as well as talking and reading, seem most effective for later development.
Parents are also the primary instruments for a child's early socialization. By establishing consistent routines, teaching acceptable behaviors, guiding health habits, and helping children to control disruptive or overly impulsive behavior, parents lay the foundations for the child's capacity to behave in socially acceptable ways. Children are much less likely to be antisocial or delinquent when their parents show positive, appropriate child-rearing practices and have high levels of social support. For all these reasons, a well-functioning family during the first few years provides a particularly important building block for healthy development.
Just as protective factors help children avoid later problems, so do risk factors, such as low birthweight or growing up with parents who have poor parenting skills, lead to later problem behaviors. Risk factors are often multiplicative, not additive, in their effects. Research shows that when children show only one risk factor, their outcomes are no worse than those of children showing none of the identified risk factors. But when children have two or more risk factors, they are four times as likely to develop social and academic problems.
The importance of these early years to the future healthy development of children cannot be minimized. Although children are resilient and can benefit from later intervention, the costs of reversing the effects of a poor start in life increase as the child grows older, and the chances of success diminish.
In recent decades, America has been experiencing great change that has contributed to the quiet crisis of our families with infants and toddlers. Two of the most-often-cited causes of this crisis are changing values and the growing economic pressures on families. Parents increasingly feel the combined pressures of work and family life. Four key trends in American family life are contributing to these pressures:
More Working Mothers. Parents are finding that they must devote much more time to earning a living and that they have much less time for their children than their parents had a generation ago. This shift is largely due to the family's economic need to have mothers in the paid labor force. In the 1970s, few mothers of infants worked outside the home; today, more than half do. Many parents report that they are uncomfortable with the loss of family time, and that overload and exhaustion interfere with good parenting. The parental-time deficit is particularly stressful for mothers, who more frequently than fathers work a "second shift" at home, doing housework and caring for the children.
The large number of working mothers is a matter of concern because the American workplace is, by and large, not family-friendly, and arrangements for child care for children under three are often hard to find and of poor quality. In fact, two large, multisite studies have found that the child care they observed, whether center- or family-based, was of such substandard quality that it adversely affected infant and toddler development. The lack of quality child care not only deprives children of attention and undermines healthy development; it can also greatly intensify the strain on parents, especially mothers.
More Single-Parent Families. No change in American families should concern this nation more than the skyrocketing number of single-parent families. Since 1950, the percentage of children living in one-parent families has nearly tripled. This tripling is attributable to both increased divorce rates and to the tenfold increase since 1950 in the numbers of births outside marriage. One in four American children now lives in a single-parent home.
But even the term "single-parent family" is a misnomer, since the vast majority of these families--fully 90 percent--is headed by a woman. These mother-only families often receive little or no help from the child's father: nationwide, only 50 percent of divorced fathers contribute financially to their child's support, and most rarely see their children. The resulting economic deprivation and stress take their toll. Children in single-parent households score worse on measures of health, education, and behavioral problems than children living in two-parent families. Later on, these children are more likely to drop out of school, to become heads of single-parent families themselves, and to experience a lower socioeconomic status as adults. These conditions--during both early and later childhood--appear to persist even after one adjusts for family income, mother's education, and minority status.
Many single-parent families result from adolescent pregnancy. More than one million adolescent girls become pregnant in this country every year; approximately half of these pregnancies go to term. Compared with older women, most adolescent mothers are neither financially nor emotionally prepared for parenthood. Although certain programs help adolescent mothers, these mothers generally face higher risks of postponed education and of long-term welfare dependency. Children of adolescent parents more often suffer from poor health and poor scholastic performance.
More Family Isolation and Violence. Only a few decades ago, America's families lived in neighborhoods of extended family and friends. Most of today's families seem far more isolated from friends, kin, and community life. Because people move more often, young families are less likely to live near extended family networks. Greater numbers of working mothers and varied work schedules have interrupted the old rhythms of neighborhood life, making it more difficult for parents to connect with other parents, to support each other, and to build friendships.
When the fabric of community life unravels, parents and their young children suffer. In low-income neighborhoods, fear of crime and violence undermines parents' sense of security and increases their isolation as they struggle to keep their young children safe, healthy, and happy. Even very young children experience extreme violence and everyday aggression as both victims and witnesses.
Although violence is more prevalent in poor inner-city neighborhoods, no city or town is immune. Parents are feeling increasingly unable to protect their children. Nor are traditional protectors--teachers, clergy, youth organization workers, and child care staff members--able to ensure the safety of young children. All too many parents and other adults who care for young children feel vulnerable and helpless.
More Young Children in Poverty. By 1990, families with children under three years of age constituted the single largest group living in poverty in the United States: 25 percent of these families fall below the poverty line. The rates are higher still for African American and Hispanic families and single-parent families of young children. The poverty rate among young children has risen even though overall American poverty rates are no higher today than they were twenty years ago.
Most children growing up in poverty under the age of three have at least one working parent. But parents' wages are not enough. Housing, transportation, child care, and health care all cost families more today than twenty years ago. In addition, real wages have declined disproportionately for younger as compared to more experienced workers; the decline is even steeper among workers with little education.
Poverty undermines families and the well-being of children in many ways. These children are often hungry or inadequately nourished. Many live in overcrowded housing, in unsafe buildings or neighborhoods. Too many are homeless: studies estimate that, of the approximately 100,000 American children who are homeless each night, nearly half are under six years of age.
Such deprivation stacks the deck heavily against poor infants and toddlers. These children more often suffer poor health, maltreatment, and later academic failure. Poverty also seems intertwined with inadequate parenting skills and inconsistent parental behavior. Poor parents--often young, working, raising children alone, and having few supports--simply become overwhelmed, further lessening their infants' or toddlers' odds of developing normally.
As the United States approaches the twenty-first century, it faces unprecedented economic challenges at home and abroad. Once an innovator and leader in higher education, the United States today is making insufficient investments in its future workforce--its youngest children. In contrast to all the leading industrialized nations, the United States fails to give parents time to be with their newborns, it fails to ensure pre- and postnatal health care for mothers and infants, and it fails to provide adequate child care. [See America Lags Behind sidebar.] The result is significant losses in the quality of its future workforce, citizenry, and parents. [See The Costs of Societal Neglect sidebar.]
There are, of course, other than economic reasons for protecting young children and their families. Children need to be treasured for their own sake, not merely for what they do for the labor market when they are grown. But the issues of "human capital"--the combined skills, knowledge, and ideas of a nation's people--are real. For most of this century, increased productivity rates have been mainly attributable to improvements in human capital. In the electronic age, this is more true than ever.
America's business and political leaders are understandably worried about the nation's children and its educational system. Their concern is well founded, but school reform alone is not the answer. Any effort to strengthen the workforce must begin with the family, a key factor in the development of human capital. By supporting families during the child's earliest years, society ensures that children will enter school ready to learn and be ready, in time, to enter the workforce and be good parents. But the United States ranks low in supporting children under the age of three and their families; other nations, including high-wage competitors, invest heavily in early childhood programs and family support initiatives.
It is time to sound--and answer--the alarm about the neglect of our nation's young children and their families. The problems facing our youngest children and their families cannot be solved entirely through governmental programs and business initiatives. All Americans must take responsibility for reversing the quiet crisis. As the risks to our children intensify, so must our determination to enact family- centered programs and policies to ensure all of our youngest children the decent start that they deserve. The task force concluded that reversing the quiet crisis calls for action in four key areas that constitute vital starting points for our youngest children and their families. The nation must
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Of the 12 million children under the age of three in the United States today, a staggering number
are affected by one or more risk factors that make healthy development more difficult.
Changes In Family Structure Are Troubling
Many Young Children Live In Poverty
More Children Live In Foster Homes
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Infants And Toddlers Are Spending Less Time With Their Parents
Health Data Are Discouraging
Physical Abuse, Neglect, And Unintentional Injury Are Common
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For millennia, parents have recognized the newborn's basic need for safety, nourishment, warmth,and nurturing. Now science has added stunning revelations about human development from birth to age three, confirming that parents and other adult caregivers play
a critical role in influencing the child's development.
The importance of the first three years of life lies in the pace at which the child is growing and learning. In no other period do such profound changes occur so rapidly: the newborn grows from a completely dependent human being into one who walks, talks, plays, and explores. The three-year-old is learning and, perhaps more important, is learning how to learn.
At age three, children can--given good care and sufficient
stimulation--attain a high degree of "competency." |
Competent three-year-olds are
These attributes add up to a good start in life. |
The United States:
Our policies contrast sharply with those of most other industrialized countries, particularly those
in Europe. European child care for children under age three varies significantly from country to
country, but generally speaking, the Europeans are moving toward paid leaves for new parents
and a range of subsidized child care options for toddlers. |
Here are some examples of countries that offer job protection and paid leaves to employed
parents (usually, but not always, mothers) who have sufficient work histories:
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Each year, American taxpayers reach deep into their pockets to meet the costs, both direct and
indirect, of policies that are based on remediation rather than prevention.
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