| Carnegie Corporation of New York Vol. 4/No. 2 Spring 2007 |
|
|||
| |
||||
|
The Lost (and Found) Voters of Hurricane Katrina At the Heart of South Africa, a Constitution and a Court A Timeless University Trains Teachers for a New Era Philanthropy Now: Diversity and Creativity for Changing Times Also in this issue: Past Issues: Request a free subscription to the print edition
|
Recent Books School Reform, Corporate Style Chicago 1880 –
2000 The book’s chapters trace the development of the modern school system from its formative stage, beginning in the 19th century, through racial upheaval and political sea changes to the recent reform movements Shipps sees as yielding demonstrably poor results. How could so many powerful, civic-minded corporate activists have achieved so little, she asks? The author’s careful research reveals why political reform agendas fail to affect the teacher-student relationships at the heart of performance improvements. For this reason, the lessons of Chicago can, and should, have far-reaching affects.
“For all of the passion that the debate over comprehensive immigration reform has aroused, just about everyone agrees that the status quo is a mess.” Before 1995, about three-fourths of the nation’s immigrants settled in just six states: California, Texas, Illinois, Florida, New York and New Jersey. In the decade since, influx into these states has dropped by a third, while twenty-two other states have experienced extremely rapid growth in their immigrant populations. In these “new destination” states, most immigrants are recent arrivals with limited English and low incomes. To find out how governments there have responded to burgeoning immigrant populations, the nonpartisan Century Foundation commissioned papers that would help readers interested in immigration reform understand the extent to which absence of a functional federal system has impacted other levels of government in five key states. With grant support from Carnegie Corporation, social policy experts Greg Anrig, Jr. and Tova Andrea Wang compiled these papers into Immigration’s New Frontiers. While each narrative presented is unique, the experiences of North Carolina, Iowa, Georgia, Minnesota and Nebraska share three overriding themes: (1) All the states initially showed a willingness to accommodate new immigrants; (2) Over time, all the states developed a more ambivalent attitude that tended to discourage acceptance of immigrants into mainstream society; (3) None of the states managed to find effective solutions to major public policy challenges posed by undocumented immigration. Indeed, if there is to be a workable solution, the editors conclude, “the federal government will have to provide it.”
Why is aid given? Today, a half century into foreign aid’s
existence, it is a familiar and expected element in relations between
states. But the reasons for aid remain cloudy, author Carol Lancaster
contends, because it is “difficult to grasp fully the welter of
events and how important apparently small or hidden details can be. “We
need to understand not only the domestic politics of aid-giving countries,
but the interests competing for influence over aid’s purposes and
the manner in which governments manage their aid, to name just a few of
many factors.
Under-standing globalization is important, says Richard Langhorne, because it is drastically changing the way we live our personal lives and the institutions on which we depend. Yet the term globalization is so widely used that its meaning has become obscured. This straightforward overview of global politics explains how, over the past two centuries, the interests and actions of the peoples, organizations and institutions of our world have become more closely entwined and integrated, and it traces the ways technological advances, changing values, political priorities and social mores have affected this growing interdependence. Using maps, charts and timelines to clarify difficult concepts, Langhorne, a Carnegie Scholar, covers the processes and consequences of globalization, the threats of conflict and terrorism as well as environmental and humanitarian disasters. He identifies the most influential actors on the global stage and clarifies the role of governments, civil organizations, markets and industries. And he asks: how are the irreversible consequences of the process of globalization to be made fair and broadly beneficial to the global community? While this critical question is beginning to be understood, he says, a plausible answer is not yet in sight.
“The federal election of 2004 centered on the contest for the presidency,” David B. Magleby reminds readers in the opening chapter of Financing the 2004 Election, due to “the intensity of feeling for and against the incumbent president, George W. Bush. These sentiments ran deep and motivated people to contribute to candidates, party committees and interest groups.” Add to that the “war on terror” and the lingering doubts about the disputed outcome of the 2000 presidential election, and it’s understandable that the 2004 election would break new ground in terms of the sums donated, and the sources. How money was raised, spent and regulated in the 2004 federal election was also novel due to the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) of 2002. Considered the most important piece of campaign finance legislation in nearly three decades, the legislation aimed to end the undue influence of soft money—stemming the funding surge from corporations, unions and wealthy individuals that had reached nearly $500 million in the past two election cycles. In nine instructive chapters, each written by an authority on money and politics, this book (written with research support from Carnegie Corporation) explores the changing landscape of campaign finance and outlines how individuals and interest groups found new ways to influence outcomes in 2004, continuing the inexorable rise in the costs of campaigns.
While many Americans remember Khrushchev only as a Cold War bête noir, readers of his memoirs will form a more nuanced opinion. In Volume 2: Reformer, which covers the period from 1945 to 1956, the one-time Soviet Premier thinks back on the famine and devastation following World War II, through Stalin’s death to the struggle for power within the Communist Party. These were dreadful times, for the most part, and Khrushchev’s
recollections reveal the incompatibility between humanity and party policy.
For instance: “I received letters from collective-farm chairmen
that were simply heart-rending,” he recounts of the early post-war
days. “ ‘So, Comrade Khrushchev …we have handed over
everything and now have nothing left. We are sure that the party will
come to our aid.’ …I knew of course he was deluding himself.” Volume 1: Commissar 1918 – 1945 can be found in its entirety online at Google book search.
If the existence of political parties is inevitable and essential to electoral competition as many theorists claim, why does Russia remain nonpartisan more than fifteen years after Gorbachev introduced his democratizing reforms? The problem, according to political scientist and author Henry E. Hale, is that theories of party development only examine countries where political parties already exist—which creates a false sense of their inevitability and ignores the role of independent politicians. Hale’s extensive research in the former Soviet Union, supported largely by Carnegie Corporation, examines the puzzle of stalled party development beginning with Russia’s first multiparty parliamentary elections in 1993. A number of surprising facts emerge: Russian voters recognize what parties stand for, for example, and party activists are ideologues who loyally vote the party line. The weakness of parties can best be explained by the laws of supply and demand, he contends; parties are producers of goods and services and candidates are consumers. According to market theory, the strength of political parties depends on the balance between them and other kinds of political organizations. Parties will dominate only when they learn how to outsell the competition.
What light can history shed on the present, com-plex re-la-tion-ship between Russia and the world? Focusing on the underlying patterns that have marked four centuries of Russian foreign policy and that persist today, eight leading historians and political scientists explore such topics as the impact of the loss of empire, longstanding approaches to national security and the effect of globalization over time. This unique collection, written with support from Carnegie Corpo-ra-tion, reveals how Russia’s approach to the outside world has evolved and helps pinpoint changes needed to allow the still unsettled land to take its place in the larger international setting.
Copyright information | Masthead | Carnegie Corporation of New York web site |
|||