| Carnegie Corporation of New York Vol. 2/No. 1 Fall 2002 |
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Moving Beyond Storybooks: Teaching Our Children to Read to Learn Carnegie Corporation in Africa Also in this issue: Privacy in the Information Age Studying Ways to Protect Privacy in an Era of Terrorism Carnegie Corporation Holds a Journalism Forum Past Issues: Request a free subscription to the print edition
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by Michael deCourcy Hinds The support of research and scholarship has been a fundamental theme of Carnegie Corporation of New Yorks work over the years. Its Scholars Program helps men and women of vision examine some of the most significant and critical questions facing todays global society. Whats the best way to fight terrorism and maintain our freedom? Should the free market be restrained from auctioning off democracys public goods, ranging from environmental rights to schoolchildrens curricula? Is there a school voucher program that might actually win over voucher opponents? Can we promote womens education in Muslim countries by celebrating Islams own history of womens scholarship and social activism? These are the questions being examined by four Carnegie Scholars, who are profiled below. These scholarsLaura Donohue, Michael Sandel, Beverly Mack and Caroline Hoxbyare among 39 researchers who receive support in Carnegie Corporation of New Yorks three-year-old fellowship program, which was instituted, says Corporation president Vartan Gregorian, because We believe individual scholarship is an important asset in our democratic process where new policy solutions must be supported by credible research and analysis. Donohue began her career at Dartmouth College, where she earned a BA with honors in philosophy as well as a citation for her work in war and peace studies, which she began after visiting Northern Ireland. After Dartmouth, Donohue returned to the province. At the University of Ulster, she earned a postgraduate diploma in a war and peace studies programand her classmates included Loyalists, who favored ties to England, and Republicans, including former members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army who had just completed prison sentences for terrorism. The irony was that we discussed general theories of peace studies, but never discussed politics in classit was too controversial! Donohue said. As a result, much of her education took place outside of the classroom. I learned Irish history by going to the pubactually, I was on a pub team that won the All Northern Ireland Pub Quiz about Irish history, politics and music. The four of us won 96 cans of Bass Ale. Donohue stayed at Ulster another year and earned an MA with distinction in 1993. It was a reality-based education, and very sobering. I came to appreciate the complexities of the conflict and to become more concerned about state measures that exacerbated tension on both sides of the religious divide. Reflecting this concern about state reactions to terrorism, her subsequent research concentrated on counter-terrorism. Between 1994 and 1998, she was at the University of Cambridge earning a Ph.D. in history. Her doctoral dissertation examined the impact of temporary counter-terrorism laws that had been enacted over many decades in Great Britain and Northern Ireland. In 1999, while a visiting scholar at Stanford Universitys Center for International Security and Cooperation, Donohue used her dissertation as the basis for a book, published by the Irish Academic Press and entitled Emergency Powers and Counter-terrorist Law in the United Kingdom 1922-2000. Donohue introduced the book with a December 2000 speech at the House of Commons, an honor that recognized its importance as the first comprehensive analysis of counter-terrorist legislation in the U.K. In Donohues analysis, a small percentage of terrorist acts should be considered attacks against the state, while most others could be treated as crimes. The two approaches have enormous ramifications for democracies. If a terrorist act is deemed a crime, it is addressed with existing criminal laws designed to deter crime while protecting the rights of citizens and non-citizens. But if an act of terrorism is considered an attack on the state and its ability to protect the lives and property of its citizens, deterrence is no longer seen as an optionstates must try to prevent further acts of terrorism. And prevention invariably affects civil liberties. Donohue believes that states often over react because terrorism creates enormous public pressure on every branch of government to do something. When an open society has been taken advantage of in this manner the immediate response is to close it, she says. To feel safe, people are willing to live with more restrictions and more government mistakes. Northern Irelands counter-terrorism laws, which began accumulating as temporary measures in the 18th century, increased police powers for entry, search and seizure; expanded detention without charges or hearings; instituted censorship of newspapers, books, films and records; restricted meetings, assemblies and the singing of nationalist songs; closed Republican organizations, and banned the wearing of Easter lilies, an inflammatory symbol of an Irish uprising against the British during Easter Week, 1916.
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